Cocalero Clásico - South American Herbal Spirit Made with 17 Exceptional Botanicals, 700ml

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Rodríguez took his first steps into national politics in 2019, running to represent Cochabamba in the Senate on behalf of Morales's party, the Movement for Socialism (MAS-IPSP). [12] The MAS handily won in the department, attaining nearly sixty percent of the popular vote. [13] Despite the victory, broader allegations of electoral fraud put the national results into question, sparking mass opposition protests that culminated in Morales's resignation and flight from the country just over a month later. [14] In Morales's absence, Rodríguez found himself at the head of the Six Federations, a position he used to direct cocalero-led protests opposing the former president's ouster, [15] [16] though he rejected more radical calls by some compatriots to "raise arms" in a Che-style insurgency. [17]

a b Zapata, Verónica (10 January 2020). "Conozca el joven que lidera la resistencia en Bolivia: Andronico Rodríguez"[Meet the Youth Leading the Resistance in Bolivia: Andronico Rodríguez]. Motor Económico (in Spanish). Buenos Aires. Archived from the original on 11 January 2020 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. Cocaleros ratifican a Evo y Álvaro para primarias"[ Cocaleros Ratify Evo and Álvaro for the Primaries]. El Deber (in Spanish). Santa Cruz de la Sierra. 28 September 2018. Archived from the original on 29 August 2022 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. Finally, in Chapare, an area of mostly non-traditional coca cultivation and the third area of interest, peasant unions played a pivotal role in supporting the implementation of CYCN reforms. These powerful agrarian unions formed after the 1953 Agrarian Reform in response to frontier colonisation. Following the Agrarian Reform, land plots became smaller in the highlands and the MNR government encouraged peasants to colonise Chapare, a semi-tropical lowland area east and north-east of the city of Cochabamba, and other frontier regions. As colonos (settlers) arrived in the 1960s, agrarian unions, fashioned from both highland Indigenous and peasant organisational structures, emerged as the governing authority in the absence of state presence. Colonos registered with their neighbourhood union and received a parcel of land in exchange for monthly dues and communal labour. Footnote 43 In contrast, the Chapare federations’ proposed law called for a legal limit of 20,000 hectares of coca, which included 7,000 hectares gained under the Cato Accord for Chapare and 13,000 hectares of legal coca for the Yungas of La Paz and Vandiola. Footnote 138 Additionally, the Chapare law proposition recognised all cocaleros as originarios with the same legal status. Footnote 139 Importantly, the Six Federations conditioned their electoral support for MAS on the expansion of legal coca, a strategy that assured the approval of additional hectares, while also providing further evidence of the power cocalero organisations had to shape national policy. Footnote 140The Six Federations’ support for CYCN and local enforcement capacity was vital to the success of CYCN precisely because farmers in transitional zones faced strong incentives to defy the cato limit. Indeed, the Cato Accord ended the wholesale criminalisation of the area's coca farmers but a cato alone did not yield sufficient income for many households. Footnote 74 While recognising coca control as a public good that benefited the community, individual coca farmers preferred for others to bear the economic risk of reduced production. Footnote 75 Hence, between 2006 and 2009, widespread violations of the cato limit threatened to delegitimise CYCN as a coca-control strategy, and Morales’ early efforts to eradicate excess coca in Chapare spurred resistance. Footnote 76 For Morales, the dilemma in Chapare was compelling compliance without repression, thereby appeasing both the international community and his core constituency. To accomplish this, Morales harnessed the Chapare unions’ authority and political unity behind the MAS to implement a policy of ‘social control’, a community-based plan for enforcing the limit in the Cato Accord with minimal repression, in exchange for government-supported development projects. Bolivia’s new leftwing president, Luis Arce, has distanced himself from his predecessor and has not taken part in Morales’s caravan to Chapare province. Cocalero Clásico is infused with a proprietary recipe of 17 natural botanicals and herbs, with notable hints of coca leaf, juniper, guarana, orange peel, ginseng, ginger, green tea and lavender. A specialized steam distillation process pioneered by the perfume industry is used to extract the complex flavor of the coca leaf and the essential oils from the delicate blend of plants. The result is an herbaceous aroma of juniper and citrus, with notes of ginger, lavender and a hint of capsicum chili. The flavors strike a rare balance of depth and smoothness with a subtle sweetness on the palate. For traditional Yungas cocaleros represented by ADEPCOCA, the 2017 General Law of Coca that replaced Law 1008 directly threatened their privileged position among Bolivian coca growers, which was a direct consequence of divisions created under the US-imposed Law 1008. Footnote 132 Law 906 resulted from a lengthy and combative, but also robust and democratic, public discussion with direct participation of cocalero organisations that pitted traditional farmers from La Paz against the Chapare sector. The debate revolved around key issues including the expansion of legal coca and the extent of government regulation of coca production and commercialisation. Each group, represented by its regional organisation, attempted to shape the law to conform to its sectoral interests. Footnote 133 La Paz cocaleros represented by ADEPCOCA envisioned a law restoring the privileged status of traditional areas. While rejecting government regulation of their coca, ADEPCOCA members supported a strong state role outside traditional zones, including harsh criminal penalties for coca in ‘unauthorised zones’. Footnote 134 a b Aré Vásquez, Tuffí (2 June 2019). "¿Quién es el cocalero de 29 años que prepara Evo Morales para su sucesión?"[Who Is the 29-Year-Old Cocalero Evo Morales Is Preparing for His Succession?]. Infobae (in Spanish). Buenos Aires. Archived from the original on 2 June 2019 . Retrieved 29 August 2022.

Before Morales spoke in Chimoré, Justina Choque, 37, had fought her way to the front of the throng. She beamed in anticipation under a wide-brimmed hat. The second area of interest, Apolo, is a much smaller area of traditional coca cultivation found in northern La Paz, far enough away from the Yungas to constitute a separate region, but close enough to coordinate with Yungas cocalero organisations to shape CYCN outcomes. In 2004, the United Nations recorded a mere 289 hectares of visible, traditional coca in Apolo, concentrated in the southern province of Bautista Saavedra where coca cultivation pre-dates the 1953 Agrarian Reform. Footnote 41 In this area, ADEPCOCA works with five centrales comprising local agrarian unions. While historically small, the number of coca farmers in Apolo expanded rapidly during Morales’ presidency from 2,500 in 2008 to more than 7,000 by 2015, causing increased cultivation outside the traditional zone. Footnote 42 Aré Vásquez, Tuffí (2 June 2019). "¿Quién es el cocalero de 29 años que prepara Evo Morales para su sucesión?"[Who Is the 29-Year-Old Cocalero Evo Morales Is Preparing for His Succession?]. Infobae (in Spanish). Buenos Aires. Archived from the original on 2 June 2019 . Retrieved 29 August 2022. ... desde su elección, en septiembre de 2018, [Rodríguez] casi siempre [aparece] al costado derecho o izquierdo de Evo Morales ... el joven personaje ya es el hombre de mayor confianza del Presidente en su mayor bastión. In 1985, Yungas peasants created the Asociación Departamental de Productores de Coca (Departmental Association of Coca Producers, ADEPCOCA) as the economic wing of the agrarian unions. In addition to organising protests against coca production limits, ADEPCOCA issued producer licences allowing holders to cultivate and trade coca directly in La Paz without securing the expensive commercial licence required for coca traders, thus undercutting market intermediaries. Footnote 38 As Alison L. Spedding explains, ‘[by] showing this card, it is possible to take coca to the city and sell it without paying duty or risking arrest’. Footnote 39 To join ADEPCOCA, producers must have the endorsement of their local union, pay a membership fee and register the quantity of land used to cultivate coca. Footnote 40 Of Quechua descent, [1] Andrónico Rodríguez was born on 11 November 1988 in Sacaba, Cochabamba, the second-youngest of four children born to Carlos Rodríguez and Sinforosa Ledezma. From first to third grade, Rodríguez attended the Don Bosco de Melga School in Sacaba, later emigrating with his family to Entre Ríos in the coca-growing tropics of Cochabamba. He completed secondary education in the city, graduating from the José Carrasco School in 2006 and fulfilling mandatory military service in the "Colonel Ladislao Cabrera" 33rd Infantry Regiment. Rodríguez's upbringing was heavily influenced by the political activities of his parents; his father was a prominent peasant leader among the cocalero growers, while his mother worked as a minute secretary for the Manco Cápac Union at a time when it was uncommon for women to participate in organized labor. [2] Rodríguez's meteoric rise through trade union hierarchy represented a push toward renewal of leadership among the Chapare coca growers. [3]Rodríguez es el nuevo presidente del Senado y tomó juramento a nueva directiva"[Rodríguez Is the New President of the Senate and Swore In a New Directorate]. Los Tiempos (in Spanish). Cochabamba. Agencia de Noticias Fides. 4 November 2020. Archived from the original on 30 August 2022 . Retrieved 30 August 2022. On 10 November 2019, Bolivian President Evo Morales was forced out of office following weeks of protest over a disputed election. While criticised for flouting constitutional limits, Morales and his Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement toward Socialism, MAS) party introduced sweeping reforms that benefited marginalised groups, including Bolivia's community of coca farmers. Footnote 1 Bolivia is one of the top world producers of coca leaf, a mild herbal stimulant that also serves as primary material for making cocaine. Footnote 2 Given its traditional roots, much Bolivian coca is produced legally and sold to domestic raw-coca consumers, but there is concern over excess production being diverted to illegal cocaine markets. Footnote 3 Like many other countries, Bolivia faces the challenge of complying with the punitive global anti-drug paradigm while considering domestic pressures pushing for less harmful drug policies. Footnote 4 We want justice for all the victims. We want justice from that damn dictatorship we lived through,” said Mark Frauz, another family member. “It’s a joy for us that Evo has returned.” Predictably, ADEPCOCA did not support La Asunta growers in their struggles against forced eradication. La Asunta leaders told the press that ADEPCOCA had ‘… sold out to the government’. Footnote 122 Meanwhile, more than a thousand La Asunta growers descended on the capital city of La Paz, forming a ‘human carpet’ at the doorstep of the Ministerio de Desarrollo Rural (Ministry of Rural Development), demanding that their coca be protected and encouraging government eradication in other non-traditional zones such as Caranavi and Palos Blancos, and areas of expanding coca production in Apolo. Footnote 123 Eventually, forced eradication extended to all of these zones, thus galvanising broader resistance which sometimes turned violent. For example, Caranavi cocaleros planted crude explosives called cazabobos in their coca fields to deter eradication teams. Footnote 124 In Palos Blancos, protestors ambushed eradication teams, causing injuries and the arrest of 13 coca farmers in 2010. Footnote 125 Nearby, a group held up a banner commemorating Roberth Calisaya, 20, who was killed last year when soldiers opened fire on demonstrators in Santa Cruz.